Zbornik Instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja, 2025,
Vol. 44, Br. 1–2, str. 73–88
Original Scientific Paper
DOI: 10.47152/ziksi2025124
UDK: 316.42:314.15(4)"2015/..."
314.15.045(4)"2024"
075.1/.2(496.5+450)
Solidarity and the EU Migration
Crisis; Rama-Meloni Pact Through the Media Lens[1]
Joana Kosho[2]
Faculty of
Human Sciences, “A. Xhuvani” University, Albania
Solidarity is a complex,
multidimensional and sometimes an evasive concept. Solidarity is deeply linked
with the humanitarian crisis, like the one the European Union has been facing
since 2015: the refugee crisis. Waves of immigrants and asylum seekers have
arrived in EU countries like in Italy, Greece, etc., thus creating some serious
challenges for the European institutions, citizens and politics, while also
making the headlines in the European media. The importance of solidarity in a
migration crisis is institutionalized in the new European Pact on Migration and
Asylum, approved by the EU Parliament in June 2024. This makes it crucial to
study the correlation between solidarity, migration and media. Using critical
theories on media and communication, studying the significance of any text,
practice or communicative element of media content, I aim to highlight how the
European and Albanian media have covered the collaboration between Italy and
Albania, represented by the Rama-Meloni ‘Migration Pact’, in terms of
solidarity and migration. This study aims to understand of the role of
solidarity in the EU migration crisis, by focusing on studies of solidarity,
migration and media, using statistics and global indexes, as well as European
and Albanian media monitoring.
KEYWORDS: solidarity / migration / European Union / media / Rama-Meloni
pact
Introduction
The news media are a primary source of those pictures in our heads about the larger world (Lippmann, 1922).
Solidarity is a complex
and multidimensional concept, with many uses in different contexts. Solidarity,
according to Hannah Arendt stems from human suffering (Arendt, 1958). In this
context, we can speak in terms of solidarity in a humanitarian crisis, like the
European migration crisis (since 2015) that is making the headlines of the
global media. Media coverage of disasters, war or political repression has an
enormous impact on public behavior and also puts
pressure on decision makers, imposing the agenda setting policy. The studies on
media reporting and public attitudes on immigration, have shown that the images
in the media, the descriptions and the labeling of the migrants, influence
public attitudes on immigrants and affect the policies on immigration. First of all, media studies and opinion polls show the
impact of the media coverage of immigration on the perceptions of public
opinion on immigration. Second, the media agenda setting affects policymaking
in the countries of destination, especially of the sense of ‘crisis’ related to
immigration (Kosho, 2016).
According to Stefan
Wallaschek of Europa-University Flensburg (2019), we can distinguish three
types of solidarity: political solidarity,
based on the believe that we should work together in a political context to
deal with an issue; cultural solidarity
that emphasizes shared norms or traditions between the giver(s) and taker(s) of
solidarity, such as the European enlightenment, religious roots or speaking the
same language, and the social solidarity that refers to welfare and
social policy issues as well as to helping in the neighborhood, supporting
integration of refugees and migrants by local communities and organizations.
With a focus on solidarity
and the mediatization of the European migration crisis, this study aims to show
how the Albanian Prime Minister deal with the Italian homologue, is represented
in the Albanian and European media. In order to
understand the agenda setting of the media in terms of solidarity and
migration, I have conducted media monitoring since November 2023, and I have
used primary and secondary sources and analyzed relevant studies in the fields
of media, migration and solidarity.
Methodology
I have used quantitative
and qualitative approaches to analyze the Rama-Meloni deal in terms of media,
solidarity and migration. Regional and global indexes and previous studies of
the field were used to describe the European migration crisis. European Commission
documents and relevant papers on the New European Pact on Migration and Asylum,
served as a guide to realize the link between the refugee crisis and the
institutionalization of solidarity. Books, studies, papers, in depth articles
like “Solidarity in the Media and Public Contention over Refugees in Europe”
(Cinalli et al., 2021), “All at Sea: Europe’s Crisis of Solidarity on
Migration” (Fine, 2019), “The politics of solidarity in Europe’s migration
crisis” (Wallaschek, 2019), etc., have provided quality data and facts on the
media role in shaping the public attitudes toward migration and solidarity, and
their impact on the political agenda. Previous personal papers and articles
with the main focus on media and migration, as well as
media monitoring and observations, were included in order to
understand how the Albanian and European media have covered the Rama-Meloni
pact, especially their approach to the concept of solidarity.
The Shades of Solidarity
The word solidarity comes
from French. It harks back to Latin, which means sturdy, firm and undivided.
This is the sense of the French word solidarité in the Encyclopedia of 1765. “Solidarity”
appeared in Code civil, Napoleon’s famous statute book of 1804 (Liedman, 2002).
The term appears as widespread as it is nebulous, and it is often perceived as
worn out and evasive. Solidarity is a very broad and multifaceted notion with
multiple semantic layers and practical implications. Its ordinary meaning can
refer to the idea of social cohesion, human brotherhood, compassion, or
political alliance (Volpe, 2023). In the relatively short history of the notion
of solidarity, it has been described as a political principle, a moral
obligation, a civic value, a collective sentiment, and more. At the same time,
in everyday language, the term solidarity is often understood in a purely
descriptive way as a kind of fellowship that can emerge among individuals or
social groups on the basis of their convictions,
regardless of whether these convictions are morally and politically desirable
(Tava, 2021).
At the simplest level,
solidarity is about readiness to share resources with others (Lahusen, 2020; Stjernø, 2005). The distinctive features of
solidarity have been listed in many ways. The social philosopher Larry May
(1996, p. 44), has proposed that solidarity consists of five elements: 1)
conscious identification with the group, 2) bonds of sentiment, 3) common
interests in the group’s well-being, 4) shared values and beliefs, and 5)
readiness to show moral support. According to May, identification with a group
and the thought that the group’s well-being is part of each member’s well-being
is central and constitutive of solidarity. This way solidarity is, to a great extent, built on similarity, uniformity with
members, shared values and beliefs. Readiness to show support to others when
faced with adversity is also essential: solidarity is not mere passive feeling
but also includes practical dispositions to act (Laitinen, 2014, p. 4).
As in a local level,
global solidarity is linked with emotions and empathy. As Lenard, Straehle and Ypi argue (2010), solidarity necessarily
contains an ‘affective’ element, that is, empathy, that allows us to
‘understand the specifics of others’ concrete situation, and to imaginatively
construct for oneself their feelings and needs’. We can, therefore, understand
solidarity as, in part, the social counterpart to empathy’. In terms of global
solidarity, there are two broad approaches taken – one focuses on the
motivating power of sentiment, and one focuses on the motivating power of our
complicity with injustice (Lenard, 2010, p. 104).
Apart from domestic and
global solidarity, there is room for political solidarity. Its historic
relation to charity and/or dominance by the nongovernmental organization sector
aside, the political origins of solidarity are especially found in struggles of
the civil rights, antifascist, anticolonial, and antiapartheid movements. By
allowing solidarity to inhabit both the tactics of survival and strategies of
shared resistance, it is also a principle that can guide action, as famously
noted by Hannah Arendt (Sajir & Aouragh, 2019).
Arendt argues that solidarity among people stems from human suffering. What she
refers to here is not a generic notion of suffering, but the peculiar pain that
people feel whenever they endure oppression and exploitation. When humans
experience, either directly or indirectly, such injustices, they tend to
establish a ‘community of interest’ with the oppressed and exploited (Arendt,
1990, p. 88). In other words, when people are faced with an unjust situation,
they can decide to act in solidarity in order to
defend themselves or whoever is suffering from this injustice (Tava, 2021).
Solidarity and the EU Migration Crisis: The New Migration
Pact
Shoshana Fine (2019), of
the European Council on Foreign Relations, (specialized in EU refugee and
migration policies), argues that the European Union’s approach to migration has
created a crisis of solidarity. According to Fine, Member States on the EU’s
southern border, call for the institutionalization of relocation quotas and
greater shared responsibility for migrant arrivals, but the members of the Visegrád group (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and
Slovakia) refuse to support any form of solidarity mechanism. The so-called
‘refugee crisis’ of 2015 and 2016 has fueled discussions on European
solidarity, dividing public opinion about immigration and triggering political
conflict on local, national and the EU levels. Within and between EU member
states, there is contestation about how to apply, on the one hand, the
principle of international or humanitarian solidarity towards individuals in
need of assistance and, on the other hand, the principle of reciprocal
solidarity among Member States, especially exemplified in the ‘Dublin rules’
which regulate burden-sharing when it comes to forced migration (Brändle et al,
2019).
In order
to better understand the
relevance of the refugee crisis in the EU borders, it is important to have a
look at some indexes and data. Total irregular arrivals to the EU in 2015 were
1.04 million. In 2022, 5.1 million immigrants came to the EU from
non-EU countries and 1.5 million people previously residing in one EU
Member State migrated to another Member State (Eurostat, 2024). According to
Frontex, irregular entries have been on the rise since 2020. The number of
irregular border crossings at the EU’s external border in 2023 reached a total
of approximately 380 000, driven by a rise in arrivals via the Mediterranean
region, according to preliminary calculations by Frontex. This marks the
highest level since 2016 and constitutes a 17% increase from the figures in
2022, indicating a consistent upward trend over the past three years. The
Central Mediterranean was the most active migratory route into the EU,
accounting for two out of every five irregular crossings (41%) in 2023,
followed by the Western Balkans (26%) and Eastern Mediterranean (16%) (Frontex,
2024).
As a response to the
refugee crisis, the EU institutions adopted a new Pact on Migration and Asylum.
This pact is a set of new rules managing migration and establishing a common
asylum system at EU level. The rules are designed to manage and normalize migration,
providing EU countries with the flexibility to address the specific challenges
they face, and necessary safeguards to protect people in need. The Pact on
Migration and Asylum strikes a balance between clear rules for all Member
States to take up their share of responsibility for managing migration whilst
ensuring none are left alone to cope with disproportionate pressures (European
Commission, 2024). The Regulation on Asylum and Migration Management
establishes a solidarity system for distributing the burden that Member States
face in discharging their duties in this area. While solidarity remains
compulsory, it is flexible in the way it takes effect: any Member State may
receive its annual quota of asylum seekers, or pay €20,000 for each non-admitted
asylum seeker, or spend the same amount on immigration-related projects in the
countries of origin, or on helping to manage the return of unsuccessful
applicants, or providing technical measures or personnel to the countries that
need it (Enríques, 2024).
The European pact on
migration and asylum faces many challenges. The new rules risk making the
management of migratory flows more difficult for refugees, who will be locked
up in isolated places for three months (including families with children),
while their requests for asylum are examined; they will be monitored and
surveilled, and if their request is not approved they can be sent to a “safe
third country”, where the EU authorities will see fit, alarming human rights
organizations. Even its solidarity mechanisms seem not working properly;
because the most probable solution for the member states which are not at the
EU borders, will be choosing financial solidarity instead of accepting asylum
seekers on their territory (Kosho, 2024).
Rama-Meloni Pact Mirrored by Media: An Act of Solidarity?
The Rama-Meloni pact,
signed on 6 November 2023, envisages Albania hosting disembarkation platforms
for migrants with unauthorized border crossing and rescued at sea by the
Italian Coast Guards, Customs Police, and Navy (Millona,
2024). The core of the agreement allows Italy to establish and operate
migration centers within Albania. These centers are under Italian jurisdiction,
with Italian laws applying inside the fences and Italian authorities managing
the operations. This means Albania has ceded a portion of its territory to
Italy, creating a unique situation where technically Italian sovereignty exists
within Albanian borders. Italy has committed to welcoming migrants granted
international protection and organizing the deportation of those who do not qualify.
However, the list of countries Italy deems safe continues to expand,
complicating the process for asylum seekers. According to the agreement, only
men will be sent to the Albanian facilities, with vulnerable groups such as
minors, women, and the elderly excluded (Izzo, 2024). Under the five-year deal,
Albania would shelter up to 3,000 migrants. With asylum requests expected to
take around a month to process, the number of asylum-seekers sent to Albania
could reach up to 36,000 in a year (Millona, 2024).
Some EU Member States and
the European Commission, as well as the UK prime minister Keir Starmer, have
welcomed the agreement. According to Meloni, this will reduce the number
of undocumented migrants coming to Italy and has the potential to become “part
of the solution” for the EU. Citing Italy’s new arrangement with Albania as a
model, European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen has called for an
exploration of “return hubs” in countries outside of the EU. Arrangements of
this kind are known as the “externalization” of migration – when a country’s
migration processes take place outside of its borders. This approach is gaining
traction throughout Europe, but it is controversial (Hoxhaj, 2024). Rama-Meloni
deal is faced with criticism: the UN refugee agency has raised concerns about
its impact on human rights, while the opposition in Italy has called the
centers “Italy’s Guantanamo” (MacGregor, 2024). This deal has been seen as
experimental and controversial from many Italian and European officials and
journalists. In October 2024, the Court of Rome has ruled against this
agreement and has announced that the transfer proceedings of seven more
migrants have been suspended (Morucci, 2024).
Global and European media
has mainly highlighted the political dimension of solidarity, followed by the
cultural dimension, in order to cover the Rama-Meloni
deal. For example: “Italy’s Meloni to
visit Albania to discuss migrants”, (The Jordan Times, By AFP – Jun 03,
2024). In an interview aired on
Italian television on Sunday evening, Rama defended the deal saying Albania,
which is seeking to join the 27-nation EU, was “showing solidarity over the
demographic problem facing Europe today”.
The reportage: “Italy’s Plans to Process Migrants in
Albania”, (New Lines Magazine, 7 January 2025). “Rama and Meloni sold this
as an act of solidarity. Rama said Albania owed Italy for taking in Albanians
who fled in the years after the tumultuous end of communist rule in 1991. This
is the official public line. In private, people bristle at this propaganda”.
The article: “Solidarity or rejection: Albanian migration
to Italy”, (France 24, 20 February 2024). “On February 20, 1991,
demonstrators in Tirana pulled down the immense statue of Albanian dictator
Enver Hoxha, marking the end of the communist regime and sparking an emigration
wave towards Italy. Three decades later, Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama says
the “solidarity” Italy showed to his compatriots at the time is why he signed
up to a controversial migration deal with Rome in November”.
It is important to
underline the negative bias shown in most of the Italian news media when
covering the Rama-Meloni pact. For example: “Immigrants, Meloni-Rama pact, a report from Albania”, (La7d, 17
November 2023). In this reportage,
the show ‘PiazzaPulita’, of the Italian channel La7d
has interviewed Albanian citizens and politicians, some Italian businessmen,
and the Albanian opposition leader, Sali Berisha. This report openly criticizes
the Rama-Meloni deal, build on a false sense of solidarity.
The reportage: “Report (Hot)Spot Albanese”, (Giorgio
Mottola, Rai 3 Report, 21 April 2024). This
feature asks who will really benefit from this agreement? “Report” found some
unexpected and disturbing responses in Albania, defined by many international
observers as a “Narcostate” due to the strong
influence of the Albanian mafia cartels on the government's activities.
Meanwhile, the Italian
media close to the government, praised the deal and underlined the political
solidarity between the two leaders. For example: “Praise, agreements and that invitation for Mid-August: Edi Rama and the
solidarity with Meloni to push Albania towards the EU”, (La Republica, 07
November 2023).
The article: “Migrants: Meloni and Rama defend the
Italy-Albania agreement, the two centers will be operational from August 1st”,
(Agenzia Nova, 05 June 2024) “Albania would not have been a friendly country, an ally that is
ready when a great friend, like Italy, asks us for a hand”, said Rama,
recalling that Albania also showed solidarity with the Jews in during the
twentieth century, as well as with Afghan refugees after 2020”.
In the Albanian media,
solidarity is used in all of its shades, but the
political dimension is the one that prevails in all the news media. For
example: “Immigrants, Scholz supports the
Rama-Meloni agreement: Challenges are not overcome alone! A solidarity
mechanism is needed”, (JavaNews, 11 November
2023). “Solidarity or advertising?
Albanian immigrant for “France 24”: They want to mask the incompetence of the
Italian government” (Politiko, 20 February 2024).
Results
In their book, “Solidarity
in the Media and Public Contention over Refugees in Europe” (2021), Cinalli,
Trenz, Brändle, Eisele and Lahusen have conducted a
cross-country comparison of public claims-making in the news media, about the
dramatic events that accompanied the refugee crisis of late summer 2015. In
their analysis of news covering the refugee crisis in eight countries (Denmark,
Germany, France, Greece, Italy, Poland, the UK and Switzerland), they found
converging patterns of debate. According to the authors, the media played a
fundamental role in placing justice high on the public agenda. The solidarity
agenda addressed by public debates transcended questions about the immediate
engagement with refugees in need of assistance and expanded into a discourse
about common challenges, shared obligations and joint affairs among all
Europeans and their humanitarian commitment in the world (Cinalli et al., 2021,
pp. 168–172). Their cross-country comparisons and analyses did confirm the news
media impact at the public sphere in terms of solidarity in a migration crisis.
In this context, I have
monitored the Albanian and European media, to analyze the link between media,
migration and solidarity. The key study is the Rama-Meloni pact that has been
served as an act of political, social and cultural solidarity between the two
leaders and the two nations: Albanians and Italians.
The deal between Albanian
Prime Minister, Edi Rama and his Italian homologue Giorgia Meloni, is seen as
controversial, having created many debates in favor and against it, in many
political circles, in local, regional and European levels (OBCT, AP, BiEPAG, Adu, 2024). Many important political actors as the
Prime Minister of England, Starmer, or the German chancellor, Scholz, have been
very supportive of this deal, looking for other countries to expand this scheme
of solidarity (Euronews Albania, 2023; Tondo et al., 2024). On the other hand,
all human rights NGOs and many Italian and Albanian political circles have
expressed their deep concern for the legitimacy and the financial cost of this
endeavor (MacGregor, 2024).
From the analysis of
several articles, reports, statements, and reportages in the mainstream media
since November 2023, I have observed that the international media has been
rather balanced when covering this pact and its consequences, citing the
sources correctly and not engaging deeply with the issue. The European media
was more engaged, creating some polarizations, between the parties in favor of
the deal and those who were against it. The European media mirrored the
interests of the Member States and the EU institutions toward this deal, their
skepticism or their support. The Italian and Albanian media were on fire; very
polarized and bold when covering the purpose and the way this deal will be
implemented. The Italian media were concerned more on the financial bills of
the pact and the legal framework; meanwhile the Albanian media was interested
in the consequences this deal will have in the safety of the people who live
near the detention camps, the political maneuverings behind the scenes, and the
human impact of this experimental political move.
The term (concept) of
solidarity was used in all three contexts: political, cultural and social. This
concept was used mainly by the sources who were in favor of this pact,
especially the main actors that agreed on the deal. The traditional and the
social media was a mirror, or a tool for the political actors that made the
deal possible, to impact the public opinion and gain their support for the
migrant camps in Albania. On the contrary, the term ‘solidarity’ wasn’t used in
the news articles or the features that had a negative bias toward the
Rama-Meloni pact. Overall, the concept of solidarity is used in most of the
public statements (in the media content) of both leaders and all personalities
that did agree with this pact. For example, the statement of the Prime Minister
Rama, that underlines the friendship and solidarity Albanians have shown to
other nations in the course of history, and they are also showing to Italy
nowadays, in order to justify a controversial and contested deal: “Albania
would not have been a friendly country, an ally that is ready when a great
friend, like Italy, asks us for a hand”, said Rama, recalling that Albania also
showed solidarity with the Jews in during the twentieth century, as well as
with Afghan refugees after 2020”, (Agenzia Nova, 05
June 2024). From my analysis, I have concluded that the concept of
solidarity is used as a warhorse to justify political alliances or agreements
in the eyes of the public. The concept of solidarity has been a good
justification and a rhetorical umbrella of the Prime Minister of Albania and
some other European Leaders who do agree with the deal. The media have been
used to spread the idea of ‘friendship and solidarity among two nations’, or ‘a
good model of solidarity in a European level’, in order to
appease the opposing voices. Mainstream and social media are just leverage for
this purpose.
Conclusions
Solidarity is a
multidimensional concept. Solidarity is linked with emotions, humanity,
suffering, collectivity, empathy, collaborations and many other notions.
Solidarity can be seen on a local level, or in a global one, being linked with
civic rights, human suffering or social movements (Arendt, 1990; Sajir & Aouragh, 2019). We can distinguish political, cultural or
social solidarities (Wallaschek, 2019), with a special focus in the mediatized
version of solidarity – a sui generis form used and mirrored by the media. We
can all agree that solidarity is a complex concept that can be linked with
controversial themes and events, like the new European Pact on Migration and
Asylum, or the other new pact signed between the Prime Ministers of Albania and
Italy on the externalization of illegal migration. European Union has
institutionalized solidarity in its Migration and Asylum Pact, obligating the
Member States to assist the countries that are the first entry of asylum
seekers. The solidarity as a pillar of this new European pact is a
controversial one, because the Member States can “buy their way out” of it, by
paying a sum of 20,000 euros for each asylum seeker, that they refuse to take
on their soil (Kosho, 2024).
In the name of
‘solidarity’ the Prime Minister of Albania has signed a deal with his Italian
homologue, Meloni, to build two facilities for the asylum seekers who arrive in
the Italian soil. The global, European and the local
media have covered carefully this event, showing
polarization while representing the voices in favor and against the deal. The
concept of solidarity was included in the most part of the media content with a
positive bias for the Rama-Meloni pact, disappearing in all the news and features
with a negative bias. In a few articles that voiced the attitudes against the
deal, we can find some commentaries that see the solidarity of this deal for
what it is: a political leverage, (for example, the reportage: “Italy’s Plans to Process Migrants in
Albania”, New Lines Magazine, 2025; cited in this reportage: “Rama and
Meloni sold this as an act of solidarity). From all the media monitoring,
analyses and personal observations, it is clear that the
notion of solidarity was a warhorse for all the media subjects who wanted to
establish a particular agenda and influence positively the public opinion and
the political circles in the European Union, in order to
support the Rama-Meloni deal.
Funding
information
This study was not
supported by any sponsor or funder.
Author
contribution
The author confirms the
sole responsibility for the conception of the study, presented results and
manuscript preparation.
Conflict of
interest
The author has no conflict
of interest.
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Solidarnost i migrantska
kriza u Evropskoj uniji; Rama–Meloni pakt kroz medijsku prizmu*
Joana
Kosho
Fakultet humanističkih nauka,
Univerzitet „A. Xhuvani“, Albanija
Solidarnost je složen, višedimenzionalan
i ponekad nedovoljno određen pojam. Solidarnost je duboko povezana sa humanitarnim krizama, poput one sa kojom se Evropska
unija (EU) suočava od 2015.
godine – izbegličke krize. Talasi migranata i tražilaca azila
pristigli su u zemlje EU poput Italije, Grčke i dr., stvarajući ozbiljne izazove za evropske institucije, građane i politiku,
dok su istovremeno
punili naslovne strane evropskih medija. Značaj solidarnosti u migrantskoj krizi institucionalizovan je u novom Evropskom paktu o migracijama i azilu, koji je Evropski parlament usvojio u junu 2024. godine. To čini nužnim proučavanje odnosa između solidarnosti,
migracija i medija. Koristeći kritičke teorije medija i komunikacije,
proučavajući značaj svakog teksta, prakse ili komunikativnog
elementa medijskog sadržaja, nastojim da istaknem na koji način su evropski
i albanski mediji prikazali saradnju između Italije i Albanije,
oličenu u Rama–Meloni „migrantskom
paktu“,
u kontekstu solidarnosti i migracija. Ovo istraživanje ima za cilj razumevanje uloge solidarnosti u migrantskoj krizi u EU, sa fokusom na
studije solidarnosti, migracija i medija,
koristeći statistiku i globalne indekse,
kao i monitoring evropskih i albanskih
medija.
KLJUČNE REČI: solidarnost / migracije / Evropska unija / mediji / Rama–Meloni pakt
PRIMLJENO: 10.01.2025.
REVIDIRANO: 24.03.2025.
PRIHVAĆENO: 13.05.2025.
[1] This paper was originally presented at the
International Scientific Conference “Critical Perspectives on the Emerging
Forms of Global Solidarities”, held on November 8, 2024, in Belgrade, Serbia,
organized by the Institute of Criminological and Sociological Research, and published
as an abstract in the Book of Abstracts.
Kosho, J.
(2024). Solidarity and the EU migration crisis; Rama-Meloni pact through the
media lens. In S. Petkovska, A. Paraušić
Marinković, & T. Gojković (Eds.), Book of abstracts – Critical
perspectives on the emerging forms of global solidarities (p. 12).
Institute of Criminological and Sociological Research. ISBN: 978-86-80756-71-4.
https://www.iksi.ac.rs/izdanja/critical_perspectives_2024.pdf
Correspondence:
Joana.Kosho@uniel.edu.al
* Predloženo citiranje: Kosho, J. (2025). Solidarity and the EU
Migration Crisis; Rama-Meloni Pact Through the Media Lens. Zbornik Instituta za kriminološka
i sociološka istraživanja, 44(1–2), 73–88. https://doi.org/10.47152/ziksi2025124
©2025 by authors
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